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Without a doubt, the trans-formation of the "ex-combatant" category discussed in Chapter 6 resulted in substantial material, economic, political and social benefits for the individuals and groups included in this category. For instance, they have attained significant public visibility, influence and legitimacy, and more extensive services and funding have been earmarked for them. Moreover, the organizations discussed earlier attest to near unanimous support from their membership and communities for the various processes of peace-building, criticizing mostly methods of delivery, its limited scope and the degree to which it focuses on their needs (see Shirlow and McEvoy, 2008; Hutchinson, 2010). Yet simply because these groups benefited from, and provide normative support for, the processes of peace-building does not mean that these processes are exempt from creating dynamics of radical threat or even eradication; indeed, the eventual elimination of paramilitary structures is an explicit goal of many policies. As mentioned in Chapters 2 and 3, participation does not suggest resistibility: it is perfectly logical to parti cipate in a dynamic one cannot resist as a means of surviving. As I shall argue here, participation in the processes of peace-building was perceived as necessary to the survival of paramilitary organizations, and was pursued by their mainstream leadership as a means of resisting eradication.

DOI: 10.1057/9780230297739_7

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